132 Intellectuals from Across the Globe Call on Khamenei to Release Ebrahim Yazdi & All Other Prisoners of Conscience

Tuesday January 25th, 2011 - According to reports by Tahavole Sabz in a letter addressed to Ayatollah Khamenei, 132 intellectuals, writers and university professors from across the world call on the immediate and unconditional release of Dr. Ebrahim Yazdi and all other prisoners of conscience held in the Islamic Republic of Iran whose sole offense has been to speak out peacefully against the policies of their government, for their continued incarceration would be considered in clear violation of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic and the international obligations of Iran.

The signatories of this letter include Richard Falk, former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University and other intellectuals and university professors such as Noam Chomsky, Juergen Habermas, Rashid Khalidi, John L. Esposito and Cornell West to name a few.

The full content of the letter addressed to Ayatollah Khamenei by 132 intellectuals, writers and university professors from across the world and provided to Tahavole Sabz is as follows:

The Supreme Leader, Ayatullah Sayyed Ali Khamenei

January 24, 2011

We are writing to appeal to you for the immediate and unconditional release of Dr. Ebrahim Yazdi and all prisoners of conscience in the Islamic Republic of Iran whose sole offence is to speak out peacefully against the policies of your government. Their detention and abuse is an unjustifiable violation of internationally accepted norms of human rights and international law and is surely an affront to all religions that are based on the principles of justice, legality, and compassion. Furthermore, the detention of these prisoners of conscience is in violation of Iran’s own constitution and laws as well as Iran’s international obligations under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights, both of which the Islamic Republic of Iran has formally endorsed.

Ebrahim Yazdi is a man of honor who has for over 60 years devoted his life to democratic reforms in Iran and the promotion of respect for human rights throughout the Muslim world. Before the revolution, for two decades, he lived in exile where he worked tirelessly to expose the abusive rule of the Pahlavi monarchy. After the 1979 Revolution, he served with dignity and loyalty as Iran’s Foreign Minister under Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan. While in office, these two exceptional political leaders, opposed on principle the summary and arbitrary executions of enemies of the Iranian regime being carried out at that time. They later resigned in protest against the seizure of the US embassy in November 1979. Ebrahim Yazdi is today the Secretary-General of the Freedom Movement of Iran (Nehzat-e Azadi Iran). He and the Freedom Movement have unequivocally insisted that their activities rely only on legal and non-

violent methods of political opposition. He opposed the continuation of the war with Iraq after the expulsion of Iraqi forces from Iranian territory in 1982. As a believer in national reconciliation he has devoted himself to dialogue and mutual respect between Iran’s various political and social groups and has championed social and political reform and minority rights. For over thirty years, Ebrahim Yazdi has been a voice for moderation inside Iran, rejecting all initiatives by Iran’s governing elites that lead to violence, cause enmity within the society, and involve denials of human dignity. He has bravely criticized illegal government actions and the concentration of power in the hands of a few.

Dr. Yazdi has been arrested three times since the 2009 presidential election in Iran. At the time of his most recent arrest on October 1, 2010, he was attending a prayer service in a private house in the city of Isfahan. Police violently attacked the home and took him and several others into custody under the pretext that this was “an unauthorized prayer service”. Ebrahim Yazdi is now 80 years of age and in poor health. Indeed, at the age of 80, Dr. Yazdi is the oldest political prisoner in Iran and one of the oldest captives held anywhere in the world. Your government has subjected him to repeated and lengthy imprisonment as well as debilitating interrogations, definitely contributing to his need for emergency open heart surgery. Continued imprisonment may result in further severe deteriorations in his health.

We respectfully appeal to you to instruct your government to release Ebrahim Yazdi and all other non-violent prisoners of conscience in Iran, including Nasrin Sotoodeh, Mohammad Nourizad, Mostafa Tajzadeh, Abdullah Momeni, Majid Tavakkoli, Farid Taheri, Emad Bahavar, Bahareh Hedayat, Jafar Panahi, Leila Tavassoli, Mahdiyeh Golroo, Mohsen Mirdamadi, Feizullah Arab Sorkhi, Emaddedin Baghi, Mansour Osanloo, Issa Saharkhiz, Masoud Bastani, Ahmad Zeidabadi, Hoda Saber, Nazanin Khosravani, Mohsen Safaii Farahani, Reihaneh Tabatabai, Sajedeh Kinoush Rad, Mohsen Aminzadeh, Abdollah Ramazanzadeh, Farzaneh Roustaii, Mehdi Mahmoodian, Zhila Bani Yaghoob, Bahman Ahmadi Amoui, and Fariborz Raiis Dana.

We appeal to you to end this disregard for human rights that will eventually destroy all trust between your government and Iran’s citizens and block national dialogue and reform through reliance on the democratic institutions and practices of civil society. Wherever normal political activities of citizens is prevented and punished, other less peaceful means of change become inevitable. The regime of the late Shah of Iran is a telling example of the political consequences of such a degeneration of the Iranian governing process. Against all odds, with admirable courage, and at great human sacrifice, the people of Iran were ultimately successful in removing Shah’s powerful, yet abusive regime. The goal of the Iranian Revolution was to realize its inspiring vision of independence, freedom, constitutional governance, and popular sovereignty. Again, we appeal to you to release all prisoners of conscience in your prisons and to start a forthright dialogue with the Iranian people to bring that noble vision back to life and turn it finally into a reality. The

people of Iran deserve nothing less.

Richard Falk
Albert G. Milbank Professor of International Law Emeritus, Princeton University
Research Professor, Global Studies, University of California-Santa Barbara

A copy was sent to:
Ayatullah Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Head of the Assembly of Experts and Expediency Council, Islamic
Republic of Iran
Ayatullah Sadeqh Larijani, Head of Judiciary, Islamic Republic of Iran
Dr. Mahmood Ahmadinejad, President, Islamic Republic of Iran
Dr. Ali Larijani, Speaker of the Majlis, Islamic Republic of Iran
Mr. Mohammad Khazaee, Permanent Representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the United Nations

Appeal’s Supporting Names and Signatures

Douglas Allen
Professor of Philosophy, University of Maine
Alice Amsden
Barton L. Weller Professor of Development Economics, MIT
Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na’im (from Sudan)
Charles Howard Candler Professor of Law, Emory University School of Law
Kwame Anthony Appiah
Laurance S Rockefeller University Professor of Philosophy and the University Center for Human Values,
Princeton University; President, PEN American Center; Chair, Board of Officers, American Philosophical
Association
Sibylle Appuhn-Radtke
Professor for the History of Arts, University of Erlangen, Germany
Andrew Arato
Professor in Political and Social Theory, New School for Social Research
Stanley Aronowitz
Distinguished Professor of Sociology, CUNY Graduate Center
Talal Asad
Distinguished Professor of Anthropology, Graduate Center, City University of New York
Anthony Barnett
Founder, Open Democracy
Robert N. Bellah
Professor of Sociology, Emeritus, University of California, Berkeley
Ronald Beiner
Professor of Political Science, University of Toronto
Seyla Benhabib
Eugene Meyer Professor of Political Science and Philosophy Yale University
Richard J. Bernstein
Vera List Professor of Philosophy, New School for Social Research
Michael Bérubé
Paterno Family Professor in Literature, Director, Institute for the Arts and Humanities,
The Pennsylvania State University
Michael Bordt
President of the Munich School of Philosophy, Germany
Rony Brauman
Professeur at Sciences Po (Paris), former president of MSF ( France)
Stephen Eric Bronner
Distinguished Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University
Rainer Brunner
Directeur de recherche, CNRS, Paris, France
Ian Buruma
Henry R. Luce Professor, at Bard College, New York
Charles E. Butterworth
Emeritus Professor, University of Maryland
Craig Calhoun
University Professor of the Social Sciences, Director, Institute for Public Knowledge, New York University
Craig Campbell
Director and Professor, Public Safety Management Program, St. Edward's University
Richard Caplan
Professor of International Relations
Director, Centre for International Studies, Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Oxford
Jose Casanova
Professor of Sociology and Senior Fellow Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs, at Georgetown
University
Peter Chelkowski
University Professor
Partha Chatterjee
Professor of anthropology, Columbia University, New York
Noam Chomsky
Institute Professor (retired), MIT, Cambridge MA, USA
Simon Critchley
Chair Department of philosophy, New School for Social Research, New York
Fred Dallmayr
Chair and Professor of Philosophy and Political Science, Senior Fellow of the Kroc Institute
for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame
Joyce Davis,
President of the World Affairs Council of Harrisburg and an independent journalist and media consultant
Ariel Dorfman
Author, Distinguished Professor, Duke University
Shadia Drury
Professor of Philosophy, University of Regina
Martín Espada
Professor of English, University of Massachusetts-Amherst
John L. Esposito
University Professor and Founding Director, Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Center for Christian-Muslim
Understanding, George Town University
Roxanne L. Euben
Ralph Emerson and Alice Freeman Palmer Professor of Political Science, Wellesley College
Michel Feher
Writer
Patrick Franke
Professor of Islamic Studies, University of Bamberg, Germany
Edward Friedman
Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Johan Galtung
Founder TRANSCEND, Professor of Peace Studies
Robert Gassmann
Prof. em. of Chinese Studies, University of Zurich, Switzerland
Todd Gitlin
Professor of Journalism and Sociology, Chair, Ph. D. Program in Communications, Columbia University
Jürgen Habermas
Philosopher and Social Thinker
Gerd Haeffner
Professor of Philosophy, Munich School of Philosophy, Germany
Michael Hainz
Institute of Societal Politics, Munich School of Philosophy, Germany
Thomas Harrison
Co-Director, Campaign for Peace and Democracy
W. D. Hart
Professor of Philosophy, University of Illinois at Chicago
Seamus Heaney
Professor, Previously Teaching at Harvard
Sonja Hegasy
Vice-Director of the Center of the Modern Orient, Berlin, Germany
David Held
Graham Wallas Professor of Political Science, LSE, United Kingdom
Dick Howard
Distinguished Professor of Philosophy, SUNY at Stony Brook
Elizabeth Shakman Hurd
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Northwestern University
David B. Ingram
Professor of Philosophy, Loyola University Chicago
Mark Juergensmeyer
Director Orfalea Center for Global and International Studies University of California, Santa Barbara
M.H. Kaldor
Prof. of Global Governance, London School of Economics
Otto Kallscheuer
Political Philosopher, University of Sassari, Italy
John Keane
Professor of Politics at the University of Sydney and the Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin (WZB)
Thomas Keenan
Professor, Bard College
Rashid Khalidi
Edward Said Professor of Arab Studies Department of History, Columbia University
Anke von Kügelgen
Professor of Islamic Studies, University of Bern, Switzerland
Mirjam Künkler
Assistant Professor in Near Eastern Studies, Princeton University
Timur Kuran
Professor of Economics and Political Science and Gorter Family Professor of Islamic Studies, Duke University
Ernesto Laclau
Emeritus Professor at Essex University, UK
Joanne Landy
Co-Director, Campaign for Peace and Democracy
Robert D. Lee
Professor of Political Science, Colorado College
Jesse Lemisch
Professor Emeritus, History, John Jay Coll of Criminal Justice, CUNY
Zachary Lockman
Professor of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies and of History, New York University
Claudio Lomnitz
Campbell Family Professor of Anthropology, Columbia University
Steven Lukes
Professor of Sociology at New York University
Cecelia Lynch
Professor of Political Science, and Director, Center for Global Peace and Conflict Studies, UC Irvine
Alan Macfarlane, F.B.A.
Professor of Anthropological Science, Emeritus, University of Cambridge
Mahmood Mamdani
Professor and Director, Makerere Institute of Social Research, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda
and Herbert Lehman Professor of Government, Columbia University, New York
Ulrika Mårtensson
Associate professor, Religious studies, The Norwegian University of Science and Technology
Brinkley Messick
Professor of Anthropology, Columbia University
Pankaj Mishra
Writer
Tariq Modood, MBE, AcSS
Professor of Sociology, Politics and Public Policy, Director, University Research Centre for the Study of Ethnicity
and Citizenship and Founding Co-editor of Ethnicities (Sage), University of Bristol, UK
Ebrahim Moosa
Associate Professor of Islamic Studies, Department of Religion, Duke University
Rosalind Morris
Professor, Anthropology, Columbia University
Chantal Mouffe
Professor and Director of the Centre for the Study of Democracy, University of Westminster, London
Johannes Müller
Prof. Dr., Institute for Social and Development Studies (Institut für Gesellschaftspolitik) at the Munich School of
Philosophy, Germany
Anne Norton
Professor of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania
Claus Offe
Dr. rer. pol. Dr. h. c. Claus Offe, Dipl.-Soz., Professor em. of Political Science
Hertie School of Governance, Berlin, Germany
Friederike Pannewick
Professor of Arab Studies, Center for Near and Middle Eastern Studies, Universität Marburg, Germany
Philip Pettit
L.S.Rockefeller University Professor of Politics and Human Values, Princeton University
Philip Pettit
Center for Advanced Study in Behavioral Sciences, Stanford University
Katha Pollitt
Writer
Noah Porter
Professor Emeritus of Philosophical Theology, Yale University, Senior Fellow, Institute for Advanced Studies in
Culture, University of Virginia
Hilary Putnam
University Professor Emeritus, Harvard University
Joanne Rappaport
Professor, Department of Anthropology, Georgetown University
Joseph Raz
Thomas M. Macioce Professor of Law at Columbia Law School
Stefan Reichmuth
Professor of Islamic Studies, University of Bochum, Germany
David Rieff
Writer
Maurus Reinkowski
Professor of Islamic Studies and the History of the Islamic Peoples, University of Basel, Switzerland
Friedo Ricken
Professor em. of Philosophy at Munich School of Philosophy and University of Salzburg
William R. Roff
Professor Emeritus of History, Columbia University, New York
Hon. Professorial Fellow, Islamic & Middle Eastern Studies, University of Edinburgh
Jonathan Rosenbaum
Visiting Professor at Virginia Commonwealth University
Stephan Rosiny
German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Institute of Middle East Studies, Hamburg, Germany
Sara Roy
Senior Research Scholar, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University
Sharon Stanton Russell, BA, MA, MPA, PHD
Research Affiliate at Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and, in 1974-1975
Academic Year, Consultant for Manpower Policy, Planning and Evaluation of the Kavar Village Health Worker
Project, from the Department of Community Medicine, Pahlavi University School of Medicine, Shiraz, Iran
Alfred Stepan
Wallace Sayre Professor of Government, Columbia University
Malise Ruthven, Ph.D.,
independent researcher and writer based in London UK
Joe Sacco
Cartoonist
Saskia Sassen
Robert S. Lynd Professor of Sociology, Department of Sociology, Columbia University
Reinhard Schulze
Professor of Islamic Studies, University of Bern, Switzerland
Christoph Schumann
Professor for Politics and Contemporary History of the Middle East, University of Erlangen, Germany
Jillian Schwedler
Associate Professor and Honors Program Director Department of Political Science, University of Massachusetts
Richard Sennett
School Professor of Sociology, emeritus, The London School of Economics
Martin Shaw
Professorial Fellow in International Relations and Human Rights, Roehampton University, London
Research Professor of International Relations, Sussex University
Samer S. Shehata
Assistant Professor of Arab Politics, Center for Contemporary Arab Studies
Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University
David Schweickart
Professor of Philosophy, Loyola University Chicago
Tamara Sonn
Wm. R. Kenan Professor of Humanities, Department of Religious Studies, College of William & Mary
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak,
University Professor in the Humanities, Columbia University
Christian Steineck
Professor of Japanese Studies, University of Zürich, Switzerland
Alfred Stepan
Wallace Sayre Professor of Government, Columbia University
Jeffrey Stout
Professor of Religion, Princeton University
Charles Taylor
Professor Emeritus of Philosophy at McGill University
Mary Ann Tetreault
Cox Distinguished Professor of International Affairs, Trinity University
Justin Tiwald
Assistant Professor of Philosophy, San Francisco State University
Chris Toensing
Executive Director, Middle East Research and Information Project
Michael J. Thompson
Professor, William Paterson University
Andreas Trampota
Munich School of Philosophy, Germany
Stephen Van Evera
Ford International professor of Political Science, MIT
Johannes Wallacher
Professor for Social Sciences, Economics and Ethics, Munich School of Philosophy, Germany
Michael Walzer
Professor (emeritus) of Social Science at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, co-editor of Dissent
magazine
Wolfram Weisse
Director of the Academy of World Religions, University of Hamburg, Germany
Cornell West
Professor of Sociology, Princeton University
Stefan Wild
Professor em. of Semitic Languages and Islamic Studies, University of Bonn, Germany
Nicholas Wolterstorff
Noah Porter Professor Emeritus of Philosophical Theology, Yale University; and Senior Fellow, Institute for
Advanced Studies in Culture, University of Virginia
Reinhard Zintl
Professor of Political Studies, University of Bamberg, Germany
Michael Zirinsky
Professor of History, Boise State University
Slavoj Zizek
Co-Director, International Institute for Humanities, Birkbeck School of Law, University of London
Sami Zubaida
Emeritus Professor of Politics and Sociology, Birkbeck, University of London

Link to text in Farsi by Tahavole Sabz : http://www.tahavolesabz.net/item/13074

Amir Kabir University Students Publish Letter of Support for Majid Tavakoli & His Family

Wednesday January 19th, 2011 - In a letter addressed to Majid Tavakoli, a large number of students at Amir Kabir University (Tehran Polytechnic) expressed their strong support of the Tavakoli  family. The letter was written in the wake of the recent pressure and threats by security forces on the Tavakoli family, resulting in Tavakoli requesting that people and in particular the media outlets refrain from temporarily contacting his family.

Last week in a letter condemning the recent pressure on his family, Majid Tavakoli incarcerated student activist wrote: "In an effort to protect my family and their well being, I request that all friends, students, journalists, political and social activists and the leaders of the Green movement refrain from any contact or interviews with my family for the time being."

According to student sources the content of the letter addressed to Tavakoli and signed by 963 students is as follows:

With greetings to the freedom seeking symbol of the student's movement,

In the wake of the recent events endured by your dear family, we, approximately 1000 students at Amir Kabir University have taken it upon ourselves to write this letter on behalf of the student movement in order to express our deepest support for the pride of Amir Kabir University and the hero of the nation of Iran.

Our dear Majid as per your request although we have reduced our contact with your family, we want you to know that every single one of your statements from prison remain of great importance and significance to us.

Our dear Majid, we all stand with you and your family. Although they seek to silence your voice, your strength of character and perseverance has once again transformed into a roar of protests questioning those who have no regard for honor. It goes without saying that you are not alone. We are all your voice and the voice of your suffering family, for no matter where on this earth we happen to be and regardless of how long it takes, we pledge our allegiance to remain alongside you until the day that our heroes are all released [from prison] and until the day when Iran is Green and free.

We hope that you have heard the news that in your honor the students at Amir Kabir University have dedicated a park in your name.

Due to the extenuating circumstances this letter was only signed by 963 students at Amir Kabir University. In addition, as a result of the recent university attacks and arrests the names of the signatories have not been published and will be archived for Majid himself.  Our only hope is that Majid hears of this letter and its content.

In conclusion we request all student organizations and the beloved students across our nation and around the globe to condemn the injustices against Majid Tavakoli and his honorable family.

We are all Majid Tavakoli. We feel Majid's pain and will continue to be his voice.

January 2011

The Green Students at Amir Kabir University (Tehran Polytechnic)

Source: Jaras http://www.rahesabz.net/story/31029/


نامه حمایت آمیز حدود هزار تن از دانشجویان پلی تکنیک از مجید توکلی

جرس: در پی آزار و تهدید و فشارهای وارده از سوی نهادهای امنیتی به خانواده مجید توکلی، که منجر به درخواستِ این دانشجوی بازداشتی از مردم و رسانه ها جهت قطع ارتباط موقت با خانواده وی گردید، گروه زیادی از دانشجویان دانشگاه صنعتی امیرکبیر (پلی تکنیک تهران)، ضمن نگارش نامه ای خطاب به توکلی، از وی و خانواده اش اعلام حمایت کردند.


مجید توکلی، فعال دانشجویی زندانی، هفته گذشته طی انتشار نامه ای در محکومیت فشارهای وارده بر خانواده اش، خاطرنشان کرده بود "برای حفظ سلامت خانواده ام می خواهم تا مدتی تمامی دوستان، از دانشجویان و خبرنگاران تا فعالان سیاسی و مدنی و رهبران جنبش در ایران، از هر گونه ارتباط و به ویژه تماس و تلاش برای مصاحبه با خانواده ام خودداری نمایند ."
به گزارش منابع دانشجویی، ٩۶٣ نفر از دانشجویان پلی تکنیک با امضای نامه ای خطاب به توکلی، خاطرنشان کرده اند:

با سلام و درود فراوان به تو آزاد مرد جنبش دانشجویی

ما حدود هزار نفر از دانشجویان امیر کبیر بر آن شدیم تا با نوشتن نامه ای پیرامون مسائل پیش آمده برای شما و خانواده گرامیت حمایت همه جانبه خودمان را از شرف جنبش دانشجویی ،افتخار پلی تکنیک و اسطوره مردم ایران عرض کنیم.

مجید عزیز ما طبق خواسته تو رابطمه هان را با خانواده ات کم کردیم و می خواهیم از تو که بدانی که تک تک نوشته هایت که از زندان می رسد برایمان با ارزش و مهم است.

مجید عزیزمان همه ما با تو و خانواده ات هستیم و همراه تو.آنها خواستند صدایت را خفه کنند اما تو با روح بزرگت و پایداری بر خواسته ات،صدایت را بار دیگر تبدیل به فریاد کردی و این حرمت شکنان را زیر سوال بردی.....و این را بدان که همه ما صدای تو و خانواده رنج کشیده ات هستیم؛و در هر کجای این زمین که باشیم با تو عهد بستیم که آهسته و پیوسته تا آزادی شما قهرمانان و ایرانی‌ سبز و آباد در کنارتان باشیم.


شاید به گوشت رسیده باشد که دانشجویان پلی تکنیک به پاس بزرگ مردی هایت پارکی را در دانشگاه بنام تو نهادند.


این نامه با توجه به شرایط خاص فقط به امضای ٩۶٣ نفر از دانشجویان پلی تکنیک رسید که به علت بگیر و ببند های دانشگاه از انتشار اسامی معذوریم ولی آن را برای مجید بایگانی کرده ایم. امیدواریم فراز هایی ازین نامه به گوشت رسیده باشد مجید استوار.


در پایان از گروه ها و تشکل های دانشجویی و دانشجویان عزیزمان در سراسر ایران و جهان درخواست واکنش به ظلم وارده به مجید توکلی و خانواده محترمش را داریم.
ما همدل و همجنس و همآواز مجیدیم
ای شام سیه ما فلق صبح سپیدیم
دی ماه 1389
دانشجویان سبز دانشگاه امیر کبیر (پلی تکنیک تهران

The Coup Sponsored Fajr International Film Festival | Poster Designed By Green Friend

 

پوستر سیمرغ سبز
برای اندیشه ی آزاد جعفر پناهی و همه ی سینماگران ایرانی
طراح: دوست سبز

Reza Khandan, Husband of Incarcerated Lawyer & Human Rights Activist Nasrin Sotoudeh Released from Prison

Monday January 17th, 2011 - Reza Khandan, husband of incarcerated lawyer and human rights activist Nasrin Sotoudeh was released from prison today.

According to reports by the Feminist School, Khandan was arrested after referring to the prosecutor's office in compliance with a summon he had received last week. According to Khandan he was charged with "encouraging public opinion and publishing lies" and a $50,000.- USD bail was issued as condition for his release.  Khandan also reported that the guarantee provided by Giti Sotoudeh, Nasrin Sotoudeh's sister was rejected by the Judge and as a result, Khandan's family were forced to present an alternative guarantor for his bail.  Khandan was finally released this afternoon based on the second guarantee. It is worth mentioning that Khandan was summoned to the Prosecutor’s office in Evin prison after his wife’s sentence was announced.

Nasrin Sotoudeh, a lawyer and human rights activist remains in solitary confinement in Evin prison, despite international pressures and the fact that she launched numerous hunger strikes in protest to the illegal nature of the charges against her. Nasrin Sotoudeh was arrested on September 4th. She was sentenced to 11 years in prison and banned from practicing law and leaving the country for 20 years.

Source:
http://www.feministschool.com/spip.php?article6652

رضا خندان و فرزانه روستایی از زندان آزاد شدند
27 دی 1389



مدرسه فمینیستی: رضا خندان، همسر نسرین ستوده عصر امروز، 27 دی ماه از زندان آزاد شد. همزمان با وی فرزانه روستایی نیز از زندان آزاد گردید.

رضا خندان روز گذشته بر طبق احضاريه ای که هفته پیش دریافت کرده بود، به دادسرای زندان اوین مراجعه کرده و بازداشت شد. بر اساس گفته رضا خندان، اتهام وی «تشویق اذهان عمومی و نشر اکاذیب» عنوان شده است. روز گذشته برای وی قرار 50 میلیون کفالت صادر شد که قاضی پرونده وی، کفالت گیتی ستوده، خواهر نسرین ستوده را روز گذشته نپذیرفت و از این رو خانواده رضا خندان ناچار شدند که امروز کفیل دیگری را معرفی کنند که با پذیرفتن کفالت، کفیل جدید رضا خندان امروز عصر از زندان آزاد شد. احضار رضا خندان بعد از اعلام حکم همسرش صورت گرفته است.

نسرین ستوده وکیل و فعال حقوق بشر با وجود چندین اعتصاب غذا در اعتراض به اتهامات غیرقانونی خود و فشارهای بین المللی همچنان در زندان اوین و در سلول انفرادي به سر می برد. وی روز 13 شهریورماه سال جاری بازداشت شد و طی حکمی به 11 سال حبس، 20 سال ممنوعیت خروج از کشور و وکالت محکوم شده است.

MUST READ - Arash Sadeghi Incarcerated Student Activist Endures Extensive Torture and in Need of Urgent Medical Care

Saturday January 15th, 2011 -  Arash Sadeghi, student activist at Allameh Tabatabai University and one of the active students during the 2009 presidential elections is in need of urgent medical attention as a result of the physical and psychological torture he has endured while in prison.

According to reports by the Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners, Sadeghi was first arrested on July 9th, 2009 after the altercations between students, security forces and plain clothes agents at the dormitories at Tehran University when he was arrested at his father's residence.  Sadeghi's family who were left in the dark regarding his whereabouts were initially under the impression that Sadeghi had also been killed during the post election incidents.

They later ascertained that Sadeghi was being held at the Sepah's 2A ward in Evin and had endured extensive torture during his arrest. Sadeghi described the torture he endured at the hands of his interrogators as follows:  

- He was hung from the ceiling from one leg and left hanging for long periods of time (up to 5 hours).

- He was slapped for two to three hours causing damage to his eye, optic nerves and tearing of his ear drum.

- He was forced to lick the filthy toilet bowl and its content.

- Interrogators urinated on his face while holding his mouth open.

- He was banned from bathing despite the aforementioned conditions.

- He was pushed down from a height of two to three meters causing damage to the tendons in his legs.

- He was dragged on scorching hot asphalt resulting in severe damage to his skin.

- He was beaten repeatedly in the neck with a baton resulting in damage to the vertebra in his neck.

According to Sadeghi, interrogators demanded that he confess to membership in Iran's Mojahedin Khalgh Organization (MKO) and other falsities while being video taped. Sadeghi was extensively tortured after refusing to comply with such demands and kept in solitary confinement for a period of 50 days. After enduring endless, excruciating torture Sadeghi was thrown out of a vehicle and left unconscious in East Tehran.

Sadeghi was arrested a second time on December 27th, 2009 in Tehran during the Ashura demonstrations and was later released on $50,0000.- USD bail in April of 2010. Sadeghi was also arrested twice in May of the same year, but released both times after short term detentions.

On November 10th, 2010, Sadeghi's sentenced was reduced by the Appeals Court from 6 years prison and 74 lashings, to 5 years in prison. After Sadeghi's sentence was announced, without any prior notice or summoning by the court, security forces brutally raided his parents' residence at 4:00am in the morning in order to arrest him. The sudden raid and ruthless behavior by security forces led to Sadeghi's mother suffering a heart attack, being hospitalized and passing away after four days of hospitalization.

In an interview right after his mother's death, an extremely depressed Sadeghi stated: "My family hold me responsible for my mother's death. Life has becoming a living hell. All I want is to return to prison." 

While in prison Sadeghi released a statement on the occasion of Student Day (16 Azar). This led to his transfer to solitary confinement at the Intelligence Ministry's ward 209 at Evin prison where he was severely beaten by interrogators leaving him with a broken shoulder and loss of control in his legs.

Sadeghi then went on a 14 day hunger strike protesting the torture he had endured while in solitary confinement and was eventually transferred back to the general ward at Evin.  According to his cell mates, as a result of the extensive torture he endured, Sadeghi is unable to stand and continues to suffer from a broken shoulder.  In addition as a result of his hunger strike, Sadeghi now suffers from a bleeding ulcer and other ailments such as a lung infection. Despite his dire physical condition, Sadeghi has been deprived of medical attention and a psychological and physical evaluation.

The Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners requests the immediate release of Arash Sadeghi so that he may seek the medical attention he so urgently needs.

The Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners

Source:
http://komitedefa.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1951%3A1389-10-25-01-36-06&catid=5%3Areps&Itemid=43


شرح شکنجه آرش صادقی و نیاز فوری به درمان

کمیته دانشجویی دفاع از زندانیان سیاسی: آرش صادقی، فعال دانشجویی دانشکاه علامه طباطبایی که در جریان انتخابات ریاست جمهوری از جمله دانشجویان فعال بود، به دلیل شکنجه های روحی و جسمی شدید در زندان دچار بیماری شده و نیاز مبرم به پزشک دارد. آرش صادقی پس از چند بار بازداشت و محاکمه در جریان دو پرونده، به 5 سال حبس تعزیری و 3 سال حبس تعلیقی محکوم شده است.

بنا به گزارش کمیته دانشجویی دفاع از زندانیان سیاسی: این فعال دانشجویی برای اولین بار در تاریخ 18 تیر 1388 همزمان با درگیری نظامیان و نیروهای لباس شخصی در کوی دانشگاه تهران با دانشجویان، در منزل پدری بازداشت شد. خانواده وی پس از بی خبری مطلق می پنداشتند که او هم یکی از کشته شدکان حوادث بعد از انتخابات است.

پس از مدتی روشن شد که آرش صادقی در بند 2 الف سپاه نگهداری می شود و در هنگام بازداشت انواع و اقسام شکنجه ها را تحمل کرده است. آرش صادقی شکنجه های اعمال شده را به شرح زیر اعلام کرده است:

_آویزان کردن وی از یک پا به سقف به مدتهای طولانی و نزدیک 5 ساعت.
_
زدن سیلی ها متوالی به مدت 2 الی 3 ساعت به نحوی که موجب آسیب دیدن عصب های بینایی چشم و پاره شدن پرده گوش وی شد.
_مجبور کردن وی به لیسیدن کاسه توالت و نجاست موجود در آن.

_ادرار کردن بر سر وصورت ومخصوصا باز نگه داشتن دهان وی توسط یکی از بازجویان.

_عدم اجازه استحمام و نظافت باوجود شرایط مذکور.

_پرتاب کردن از ارتفاع 2 تا 3 متری به سمت پایین به نحوی موجب آسیب دیدن تاندون های پای وی شد.

_کشاندن وی بر روی آسفالت داغ و آسیب دیدگی جدی از ناحیه پوست.

_وارد کردن ضربات متوالی باتوم به گردن که موجب آسیب دیدن مهرهای گردن وی شد.

باز جویان از آرش صادقی می خواستند تا به داشتن ارتباط با سازمان مجاهدین خلق اقرار کرده و تن به اعتراف های ساختگی در مقابل دوربین بدهد. او به دلیل خودداری وی از پذیرش خواسته های بازجویان، متحمل این شکنجه ها شد اما پس از تحمل 50 روز انفرادی و شکنجه های طاقت فرسا و ناکامی بازجویان از اخذ اعترافات ساختگی، وی را در حالتی  بی هوش در شرق تهران از خودرویی به پایین پرتاب کردند.

آرش صادقی برای دومین بار در تارخ 6 دی 1388 همزمان با حوادث عاشورا در تهران دستگیر شد و در فروردین 1389 با قید وثیقه 500 میلیون تومانی از زندان آزاد شد.
در اردیبهشت 1389 نیز دو بار بازداشت های کوتاه مدت را تجربه کرده و مجددا آزاد شد.

در تاریخ 19 آبان ماه 1389 که محکومیت این فعال دانشجویی در دادگاه تجدید نظر، از 6 سال زندان و 74 ضربه شلاق به پنج سال حبس تعزیری تخفیف یافت، ماموران امنیتی در ساعت 4 بامداد ، بدون ارسال احضاریه و یا اعلام قبلی از سوی دادگاه و بخش اجرای احکام، برای دستگیری او به منزل یورش بردندکه در اثر برخوردهای ناصواب آنها، مادر آرش صادقی دچار شوک قلبی شده و پس از چهار روز بستری شدن در بیمارستان فوت کرد.

پس از این حادثه، که آرش صادقی دچار ناراحتی و افسردگی ناشی از درگذشت مادرش شده بود، در مصاحبه ای اعلام کرد "خانواده ام من را مسبب مرگ مادرم می دانند. زندگی برایم جهنم شده است و می خواهم به زندان برگردم".
پس از آنکه آرش صادقی به مناسبت 16 آذر، روز دانشجو، بیانیه ای به بیرون از زندان ارسال کرد، توسط بازجویان به سلول انفرادی بند 209 وزارت اطلاعات در اوین منتقل و مورد ضرب و شتم شدید واقع شد، به نحوی که کتف وی دو بار دچار شکستگی شده و پاهایش توان خود را از دست دادند.

این فعال دانشجویی در اعتراض به این شکنجه ها 14 روز در اعتصاب غذا به سر برد و متعاقبا به بند عمومی منتقل شد. اما شکنجه های اعمال شده آنقدر شدید بود که به گفته همبندانش، او توانایی ایستادن ندارد و امکان آنکه کتف وی از کار افتاده باشد نیز زیاد است. همچنین عوارض ناشی ار اعتصاب غدا موجب خونریزی معده و عفونت در ناحیه ریه شده است.
شرایط سخت زندان و فشارهای روحی ای که بر آرش صادقی وارد شده است وی را دچار افسردگی شدید و بیماری روحی کرده است. ولی متاسفانه تا کنون اقدامی در خصوص معرفی وی به پزشک و گذراندن دوره های بازیابی سلامت روانی و جسمی صورت نگرفته است.

کمیته دانشجویی دفاع از زندانیان سیاسی با تهیه این گزارش و ارائه شرحی از آنچه بر او گذشته است، خواستار آن است که او فورا آزاد شود و تحت درمان قرار گیرد.
کمیته دانشجویی دفاع از زندانیان سیا

Reyhaneh Tabatabai Reporter at Shargh Newspaper Released from Prison

Sunday January 16th, 2011 - According to reports by TahavoleSabz, Reyhaneh Tabatabai, journalist at Shargh Newspaper was released from prison. Tabatabai's resume includes reporting for Sina News Agency, Chelcheragh Magazine and Shargh Newspaper to name a few.

Translator's note: It is worth mentioning that according to early reports by Kalame Tabatabai's release was predicted when the court issued $60,000.-USD bail as condition for her release. Keyvan Mehregan and Farzane Roostayi two other Shargh journalists remain incarcerated despite the fact that a $10,000.- USD bail  has been issued for their release.

Source: Tahavole Sabz http://tahavolesabz.com/item/11730

ریحانه طباطبائی آزاد شد

۲۶ دی ۱۳۸۹
تحول سبز: ریحانه طباطبایی آزاد شد.

بنا به گزارش رسیده به  تحول سبز، ریحانه طباطبایی روزنامه نگار و خبر نگار روزنامه شرق آزاد شد.
لازم به ذکر است ، ریحانه طباطبایی سابقه فعالیت در خبرگزاری سینا و مجله چلچراغ و روزنامه شرق را در کارنامه خود دارد

BREAKING NEWS - Reza Khandan Nasrin Sotoudeh's Husband Arrested

Sunday January 16th, 2011 -  Reza Khandan Nasrin Sotoudeh's husband was arrested early this morning when arriving at the prosecutor's office in compliance with the summon he had received last week.

According to reports by the website Change for Equality, the charges against Khandan remain unclear. According to family members even though the court set a $50,000.- USD bail for his release, the bail amount posted by Soutoudeh's sister has not been accepted to date.

Khandan was summoned to the prosecutor's office at Evin after his wife's sentence was announced. The increased pressure on Khandan most probably stems from the interviews he has given in an effort to secure his wife's release from prison.

Despite international pressure and her numerous hunger strikes protesting the illegal nature of the charges against her, Nasrin Sotoudeh lawyer and human rights activist remains in solitary confinement at Evin prison. Sotoudeh was arrested on September 4th, 2010 and has been sentenced to 11 years in prison and banned from practicing law and leaving the country for 20 years.

Source: Kaleme: http://www.kaleme.com/1389/10/26/klm-43915/

بازداشت رضا خندان، همسر نسرین ستوده


یکشنبه, ۲۶ دی, ۱۳۸۹
چکیده :رضا خندان، همسر نسرین ستوده، صبح امروز بر طبق احضاریه ای که هفته پیش دریافت کرده بود، به دادسرای زندان اوین مراجعه کرده و بازداشت شد....

رضا خندان، همسر نسرین ستوده، صبح امروز بر طبق احضاریه ای که هفته پیش دریافت کرده بود، به دادسرای زندان اوین مراجعه کرده و بازداشت شد.

به نوشته سایت تغییر برای برابری، اتهام آقای خندان مشخص نیست و به گفته اعضای خانواده وی قرار ۵۰ میلیون کفالت برای آزادی ایشان صادر شده، اما کفالت خواهر خانم ستوده برای آزادی آقای خندان پذیرفته نشده است.

احضار آقای خندان بعد از اعلام حکم همسرش صورت گرفته است. احتمال می رود فشارهای اخیر به آقای خندان به دلیل مصاحبه ها و تلاش های ایشان برای آزادی همسرش باشد.

نسرین ستوده وکیل و فعال حقوق بشر با وجود چندین اعتصاب غذا در اعتراض به اتهامات غیرقانونی خود و فشارهای بین المللی همچنان در زندان اوین و در سلول انفرادی به سر می برد. وی روز ۱۳ شهریورماه سال جاری بازداشت شد و طی حکمی به ۱۱ سال حبس، ۲۰ سال ممنوعیت خروج از کشور و وکالت محکوم شده است

BREAKING NEWS - Iranian Kurdish Political Activist Hossein Khezri Executed This Morning In Orumiyeh

Saturday January 15th, 2011 -  28 year old Hossein Khezri an Iranian Kurdish political activist was hanged this morning at the Central Prison in Orumiyeh.  According to reports by HRANA on January 2nd, 2011 a team was sent from Tehran to the Central Prison in Orumiyeh in order to perform Khezri's execution overnight. However, due to unknown reasons, prison officials decided to postpone the implementation of the sentence.

Hossein Khezri was born in 1983 and sentenced to death for acting against the national security of the country by the first branch of the Revolutionary Court in Orumiyeh. His sentence was later upheld by the 10th branch of the Appeals Court in western Azarbayejan province and once again by the 31st branch of the Supreme Court.

Khezri was transferred to solitary confinement in Orumiyeh's Central Prison sixteen days ago. After several inquiries by his family, Khezri was allowed to meet with his brother for one last time and once again transferred to solitary confinement.

Although Khezri was executed early this morning at Orumiyeh prison, his family and lawyers were unaware that he had been secretly executed.

Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) reported in a news program that Khezri had been charged with "participation in the armed killing of a police officer at the outpost in Gol Sheykhan in Orumiyeh in 2005."

It is worth mentioning that Khezri had denied all the charges against him. During one of the visitations with his family, Khezri had informed them of the fact that intelligence agents had tried to force him into providing false confessions for broadcast on television.  In a conversation that took place last night, Khezri's brother told HRANA that it is highly likely that his brother will be executed secretly. Authorities had failed to provide any exact information on Khezri's condition to his family since he was transferred out of his ward.

Hossein Khezri was arrested in Kermanshah on July 31st 2008  by the Nabi Akram Sepah branch. He suffered inhuman and despicable physical and psychological torture while under interrogation for 49 days in the Kermanshah detention center.

In a letter provided to HRANA, Khezri described the abuses he endured during interrogation as follows:

1. Being beaten for several hours a day

2. Psychological and physical pressure during interrogations

3. Being threatened during interrogation that his brother and brother-in-law would also be charged with illegal activities, if he did not accept the terms of the interrogator

4. Bleeding and swelling in various parts of the body as a result of being kicked repeatedly over a period of 14 days

5. 8cm laceration in the right leg as a result of being kicked viciously by an interrogator

6. Enduring repeated beatings by baton

Source: HRANA:  http://www.hra-news.net/component/content/article/55-1389-01-14-13-18-46/6269-1.html



هرانا؛ حسین خضری اعدام شد/ تکمیلی


شنبه 25 دی 1389 ساعت 17:54 |
خبرگزاری هرانا - حسین خضری، صبح امروز در زندان مرکزی ارومیه اعدام شد.

بنا به اطلاع ارگان خبری مجموعه فعالان حقوق بشر در ایران"هرانا"، دوازدهم دی ماه سال جاری تیم ویژه ای از تهران برای اعدام حسین خضری به زندان مرکزی ارومیه آمده بودند تا شبانه وی را اعدام کنند، اما مسئولان به دلایل نامعلوم اجرای این حکم را به تعویق انداختند.

حسین خضری متولد 1361 به اتهام اقدام علیه امنیت ملی از سوی شعبه اول دادگاه انقلاب اسلامی ارومیه و همچنین تایید شعبه 10 دادگاه تجدید نظر استان اذرباییجان غربی و تایید این حکم از سوی شعبه 31 دیوان عالی کشور به اعدام محکوم شده است.
وی از سیزده روز پیش به سلولهای انفرادی زندان ارومیه منتقل  و پس از پیگیری های خانواده اش با برادرش برای آخرین بار ملاقات کرده و سپس مجددا به سلول انفرادی منتقل شد.

حسین خضری در حالی بامداد امروز در زندان ارومیه اعدام شد که وکیل و خانواده ی این زندانی از اجرای حکم اعدام وی اطلاع نداشتند و این حکم به صورت مخفیانه در زندان ارومیه به اجرا در آمده است.

صدا و سیمای جمهوری اسلامی در خبری اتهامات حسین خضری را "شرکت در عملیات مسلحانه و کشتن یکی از ماموران نیروی انتظامی در پاسگاه مرزی گل شیخان شهرستان ارومیه در سال 1383" عنوان کرده است.

حسین خضری پیش تر تمامی این اتهامات را رد کرده بود و در ملاقات با خانواده اش از تلاش ماموران وزارت اطلاعات برای اخذ اعترافات تلوزیونی دروغین از وی خبر داده بود.

شایان ذکر است که برادر این زندانی سیاسی شب گذشته در گفتگو با هرانا احتمال داده بود که مسئولان آقای خضری را مخفیانه اعدام می کنند.

مسئولان طی مدتی که حسین خضری از بندش خارج شده بود، هیچ اطلاع دقیقی از وضعیت و محل نگهداری وی به خانواده اش نداده بوند.

وی در تاریخ 10/5/87 در شهرستان کرمانشاه توسط نیروهای سپاه نبی اکرم آن شهرستان دستگیرشد و مدت 49 روز را در اختیار نیروهای سپاه نبی اکرم کرمانشاه بود. حسین خضری در طی این زمان متحمل شکنجه های روحی و جسمی متعددی در زمان بازجویی ها شده بود.


وی در رنجنامه ای که در اختیار خبرگزاری هرانا قرار داد شکنجه های جسمی خود را به قرار زیر اعلام کرد:
1-    کتک زدن به مدت چندین ساعت در هر روز
2-    ایجاد فشار روحی و روانی در حین بازجویی
3-    تهدید بازجویی هایم مبنی بر آنکه اگر آن مواردی که ما میگوییم قبول نکنی به برادر و داماد خانواده شما میتوانیم برچسب فعالیت های غیرقانونی علیه نظام بزنیم
4-    ضربه زدن با لگد به اندام های تناسلی من و خونریزی و تورم آن نواحی از بدنم به مدت چهارده روز
5-    پارگی پای راستم تقریبا به اندازه 8 سانتیمتر به علت ضربه محکم پای بازجو که هنوز قابل مشاهده است
6-    وارد کردن ضربات متعدد به تمامی بدنم با باتوم

Nazanin Khosravani Incarcerated Journalist: "The Prison Cell Is So Cold, It Feels As Though We Are Sleeping On Ice"

Thursday January 13th, 2011 - Kalame reports that the family of Nazanin Khosravani, incarcerated journalist were finally allowed to meet with her today.  In an interview with Kalame, Aazam Afsharian, Khosravani's mother stated: "Although Nazanin was in good spirits, she complained about the extremely cold conditions at Evin's ward 209." According to Mrs. Afsharian, despite the sharp drop in temperature over the past few days, the Ministry of Intelligence officials at Ward 209 have failed to provide Khosravani with warm clothes.  Mrs. Afsharian added: "Nazanin informed us that the cell is so cold that at night if feels as though you are sleeping on ice. I don't understand why prison officials refuse to give my daughter warm clothes." 

There are no beds in the the prison cells at the Ministry of Intelligence's ward 209. As such prisoners are forced to sleep on the floor.  Despite the extreme cold weather, prisoners have not be provided with warm clothes or extra blankets. 

Nazanin Khosravani's mother continued: "During our visit Nazanin was very surprised about the fact that they intended to hold a trial without informing her lawyer and her family."

When Khosravani was taken to the Revolutionary Court to attend her trial on Wednesday, she accidentally bumped into her lawyer in the court house. As a result her lawyer was able to speak to the Judge presiding over the 26th Branch of the Revolutionary Court in order to postpone her trial.  According to Khosravani's mother a date has not yet been set for her new trial, however, Mrs. Gheyrat, Khorsravani's lawyer announced that her trial will take place soon.

Source: http://www.kaleme.com/1389/10/23/klm-43615/


نازنین خسروانی در ملاقات با خانواده اش در اوین : سلول آنقدر سرد است که شبها انگار روی یخ خوابیده ایم


پنجشنبه, ۲۳ دی, ۱۳۸۹
چکیده : به گفته اعظم افشاریان مادر نازنین خسروانی با اینکه دمای هوا در این چند روز به شدت کاهش یافته است اما همچنان مسوولان بند 209 وزارت اطلاعات از دادن لباسهای گرم به نازنین خودداری کرده اند .مادر نازنین افزود :«نازنین به ما گفت هوای سلول انقدر سرد است که انگار شبها روی یخ خوابیده ایم .نمی دانم چرا مسوولان زندان حاضر نیستند لباسهای گرم را به دخترم برساننند .»

خانواده نازنین خسروانی ، روزنامه نگار زندانی امروز پنج شنبه با او در زندان اوین دیدار کردند .
اعظم افشاریان، مادر نازنین خسروانی در گفتگو با کلمه در این باره گفت :«نازنین در این ملاقات با اینکه از وضعیت روحی مناسبی برخوردار بود . اما از سرمای هوا در بند ۲۰۹ به شدت گلایه داشته است »

به گفته اعظم افشاریان مادر نازنین خسروانی با اینکه دمای هوا در این چند روز به شدت کاهش یافته است اما همچنان مسوولان بند ۲۰۹ وزارت اطلاعات از دادن لباسهای گرم به نازنین خودداری کرده اند .

مادر نازنین افزود :«نازنین به ما گفت هوای سلول انقدر سرد است که انگار شبها روی یخ خوابیده ایم .نمی دانم چرا مسوولان زندان حاضر نیستند لباسهای گرم را به دخترم برساننند .»

در سلولهای بند ۲۰۹ وزارت اطلاعات تختی وجود ندارد و زندانی ها مجبورند بر زمین سرد بخوابند . این در حالی است که در این بند به زندانانیان لباس گرم یا پتوی اضافه هم نمی دهند .

مادر نازنین ادامه داد :«:نازنین در این دیدار درباره اینکه چرا می خواستند بدون اینکه وکیلش یا ما بدانیم برایش دادگاه تشکیل دهند متعجب بود .»
این روزنامه نگار روز چهارشنبه برای برگزاری دادگاهش به دادگاه انقلاب برده شده بود که به طور اتفاقی وکیلش را در دادگاه می بیند و وکیل ضمن صحبت با قاضی شعبه ۲۶ دادگاه انقلاب و همکاری وی برگزاری دادگاه را به زمان دیگری موکول می کند .
به گفته مادر نازنین خسروانی زمان برگزاری دادگاه هنوز مشخص نیست اما به عقیده خانم غیرت ، وکیل نازنین به زودی برگزار می شود

BREAKING NEWS -Nasrin Sotoudeh Sentenced to 11 years Prison & Banned From Practicing Law & Leaving the Country for 20 Years

Sunday January 9th, 2011 - The Committee of Human Right Reporters (CHRR) reports that the 26th Branch of the Revolutionary Court under Judge Pir Abassi has sentenced Nasrin Sotoudeh to 11 years Prison and banned her from practicing law and leaving the country for 20 years.

Reza Khandan Sotoudeh's husband told CHRR: "This sentence was delivered to my wife's lawyer Nasim Ghanavi and we now have 20 days to request an appeal." 

According to Khandan, this sentence was issued even though Nasrin Sotoudeh was expecting a lighter sentence and was as such in good spirits during their last visitation. While pointing to the fact that given the nature of the charges against her, Sotoudeh has been issued the heaviest sentence possible Khandan added: "My wife received 1 year imprisonment for "propaganda against the regime"  5 years each for the other two charges against her namely "acting against the national security of the country" and "violating the Islamic dress code (Hejab) in a filmed speech" ".

Other reports indicate that Nasim Ghanavi, Sotoudeh's lawyer and her husband Reza Khandan were summoned to the Revolutionary Court.  Khandan made the following statement regarding this matter: " I have been asked to appear at branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court. In the written summon, the word "defendant" was used when referring to me. Of course I was also summoned once about ten to twelve days before my wife was arrested and at the time I was warned about the interviews I had given."

Nasrin Sotoudeh was arrested on September 22nd, 2010 and has been in solitary confinement since. Her trial took place on November 15th, 2010 at the 26th branch of the Revolutionary Court under Judge Pir Abassi and she was first charged with "acting against the national security of the country" and "propaganda against the regime."  Sotoudeh was later also charged with "violating the Islamic dress code in a filmed speech." Sotoudeh has spent a large portion of her incarceration on hunger strike. 

Nasrin Sotoudeh, lawyer and winner of the Human Rights Award from the International Human Rights Organization is also a member of the Defenders of Human Rights, the Million Signature Campaign to Change Discriminatory Laws Against Women and the Society for Protecting the Rights of Children. In her capacity as legal council, Sotoudeh has represented many of the human rights activists, womens rights activists, child victims, victims of child abuse and children risking execution.  In 2008, Sotoudeh was awarded the Human Rights prize by the International Committee on Human Rights. She has been threatened on numerous occasions because of her human rights activism and had been warned to forgo providing legal council to Shirn Ebadi.

Source: http://www.chrr.biz/spip.php?article12516


محکومیت نسرین ستوده به ۱۱ سال حبس و ۲۰ سال محرومیت

کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر – نسرین ستوده، حقوقدان و وکیل دادگستری، از سوی شعبه ۲۶ دادگاه انقلاب به قضاوت پیرعباسی به ۱۱ سال حبس تعزیری، ۲۰ سال ممنوعیت خروج از کشور و ۲۰ سال محرومیت از وکالت محکوم شد.

همسر وی، رضا خندان دراین‌باره به کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر گفت:‌ «این حکم به وکیل ایشان، نسیم غنوی ابلاغ شده و برای درخواست تجدیدنظر، ۲۰ روز فرصت خواهیم داشت.»

این حکم درحالی صادر شده که به گفته‌ی همسر ستوده، وی در آخرین ملاقات حضوری صدور حکم «سبک‌تری» را پیش‌بینی کرده بود و در وضعیت روحی «بسیار مناسبی» قرار داشت.

خندان، در ادامه با اشاره به این نکته که در رابطه با تمامی اتهامات، سنگین‌ترین میزان حبس برای همسرش صادر شده، اضافه کرد: «برای یک اتهام، (تبلیغ علیه نظام) یک سال حبس و برای دو اتهام دیگر، (اقدام علیه امنیت ملی و عدم رعایت حجاب اسلامی در فیلم سخنرانی) هر یک پنج سال حبس صادر شده است.»

از سوی دیگر، گزارش‌ها حاکی از احضار کتبی نسیم غنوی، وکیل و رضا خندان، همسر نسرین ستوده به دادگاه انقلاب است. همسر نسرین ستوده در این‌باره ابراز داشت: «بنده باید به شعبه اول دادگاه انقلاب مراجعه کنم و در احضاریه کتبی، دقیقا واژه‌ی متهم در مورد من ذکر شده است. البته یک‌بار هم ۱۰ الی ۱۲ روز پس از بازداشت خانم ستوده احضار شدم و تذکراتی در مورد مصاحبه با رسانه‌ها دریافت کردم.»

نسرین ستوده از روز سیزدهم شهریورماه در سلول انفرادی زندان اوین در بازداشت است. دادگاه او ۲۴ آبان ماه، در شعبه ٢۶ دادگاه انقلاب، به ریاست قاضی پیرعباسی و با تفهیم اتهامات «اقدام علیه امنیت ملی» و «تبلیغ علیه نظام» برگزار شد. وی در ادامه به اتهام دیگری در رابطه با «عدم رعایت حجاب رسمی در فیلم سخنرانی» متهم شد. ستوده مدت زیادی از زمان بازداشت خود را در اعتصاب غذا به‌سر برده است.

این حقوقدان، وکیل دادگستری و برنده جایزه حقوق بشر "سازمان حقوق بشر بین‌الملل"، ضمن عضویت در کانون مدافعان حقوق بشر، کمپین یک میلیون امضا برای تغییر قوانین تبعیض آمیز علیه زنان، و انجمن حمایت از کودکان، وکالت پرونده‌های بسیاری از فعالان حقوق بشر، فعالان حقوق زنان، کودکان قربانیِ کودک آزاری و کودکان در معرض اعدام را برعهده داشته‌است. ستوده در سال ۱۳۸۸ (۲۰۰۸م) برنده جایزه حقوق بشر «سازمان حقوق بشر بین‌الملل» شد. او پیش از بازداشت، بارها به‌خاطر فعالیت‌های حقوقی‌اش مورد تهدید قرار گرفته بود و به وی هشدار داده بودند که از وکالت شیرین عبادی دست بردارد

Nasrin Sotoudeh's Sentence Issued But Not Yet Delivered to Her Lawyers, Her Husband Summoned to Evin Court

Sunday January 9th, 2011 - Reza Khandan, Nasrin Sotoudeh's husband informed the International Campaign for Human Rights that he has been summoned to Branch One at Evin Court. The court has informed him that he has seven days to present himself. Khandan stated: "This is the same branch that summoned me two weeks before my wife was arrested. At the time they were mainly interested in asking questions the inquiries I had made into my wife's potential arrest and the interviews I had given to media outlets.  I am not sure why I am being summoned a second time and whether their questions are related to the same issue or something new."

Reza Khandan provided the following update on Sotoudeh to the International Campaign for Human Rights: "The good news is that phone calls and visitations from behind a cabin have been reestablished and Nasrin is in good spirits. Unfortunately, face to face visitations with her children and mother are still not being permitted. Our visitations are currently all from behind a cabin and Nasrin naturally does not want the young children to be present under such circumstances."

Khandan added: "In these four months, the children have seen their mother only once and even then it was for only five minutes. Nasrin's family and I have had the opportunity to see her in our visits from behind a cabin and in court. On Thursday last week I took my son with me to Evin hoping that they will allow him to see his mother for a few minutes, but they insisted that face to face visitation was not possible. I asked if we could stay outside and if they would be willing to allow my son to see his mother alone for a few minutes, but they still refused.  Seeing their mother from behind the window of a cabin is detrimental to both mother and child and would obviously have a negative psychological effect on the children."

Nasim Ghanavi one of Sotoudeh's lawyers informed the International Campaign for human Rights in Iran that even though it looks like Soutoudeh's sentence has been issued, it has yet to be delivered to her lawyers.

Nasrin Sotoudeh was arrested on September 22nd, 2010 and has been in solitary confinement since. During this time, Sotoudeh has been on long hunger strikes three times (both dry and wet) protesting the conditions of her incarceration.

Source: Daneshjoo News http://www.daneshjoonews.com/news/humanrights/5195-1389-10-19-11-58-56.html

حضار همسر نسرین ستوده به دادسرای زندان اوین: حکم صادر شده اما هنوز ابلاغ نشده است


يكشنبه, ۱۹ دی ۱۳۸۹


رضا خندان، همسر نسرین ستوده، حقوقدان و فعال حقوق بشر به کمپین بین المللی حقوق بشر در ایران از احضارش به شعبه یک دادسرای اوین خبر داد و با اظهار اینکه هفت روزمهلت دارد تا خودش را به این شعبه معرفی کند، گفت: « این همان شعبه ای است که دو هفته پس از بازداشت خانم ستوده من به آنجا احضار شدم که بیشتر صحبت ها درخصوص پیگیری های من درباره بازداشت خانم ستوده و مصاحبه با رسانه ها بود و حالا نمی دانم علت احضار دوباره ام همان مسئله است یا دلیل دیگری دارد.»

رضا خندان همچنین در خصوص آخرین وضعیت نسرین ستوده به کمپین بین المللی حقوق بشر در ایران گفت: « خوشبختانه ملاقات های کابینی و تماس های تلفنی برقرار است و حال روحی خانم ستوده هم خوب است تنها مشکل این است که ملاقات حضوری برای دیدن بچه ها و مادرشان داده نمی شود. ملاقات های ما همگی کابینی است که در آن شرایط نسرین دوست ندارد بچه ها او راببینند.»

رضا خندان ادامه داد:« در تمام این چهار ماه فقط بچه ها یکبار به اندازه ۵ دقیقه مادرشان را دیده اند. من و خانواده نسرین او را در ملاقات های کابینی و یا در دادگاهش دیده ایم اما بچه هایم این فرصت را پیدا نکردند. پنج شنبه هفته گذشته من پسرم را نیز با خودم برده بودم که اگر اجازه داده شود چند دقیقه ای بچه مادرش را ببینند اما آنها گفتند امکان ملاقات حضوری نیست، گفتم ما داخل نمی رویم فقط بچه برود تنهایی مادرش را چند دقیقه ببیند اما باز هم اجازه ندادند. دیدن مادر در وضعیت ملاقات کابینی به صلاح هیچکدامشان نیست ومسلما در روحیه بچه تاثیر می گذارد.»

همچنین نسیم غنوی یکی از وکلای نسرین ستوده به کمپین بین المللی حقوق بشر در ایران خبر داد ظاهرا حکم خانم ستوده صادر شده اما هنوز به وکلایش ابلاغ نشده است.

نسرین ستوده روز ۳۱ شهریور ماه امسال بازداشت شد و تا کنون در سلول انفرادی این زندان به سر می برد. همچنین او سه بار در مدت بازداشت خود در اعتراض به شرایطش در زندان دست به اعتصاب های طولانی مدت تر و خشک زد.
کمپین بین المللی حقوق بشر در ایران

BREAKING NEWS- Shiva Nazar Ahari, Sentenced to 4 Years Imprisonment, Exile to Karaj Prison & 74 Lashings by Appeals Court

Saturday January 8th, 2011 - Shiva Nazar Ahari, human rights activist was sentenced to 4 years in prison, exile to a prison in Karaj and 74 lashings by the 36th branch of the Appeals Court.

Nazar Ahari had previously been sentenced to 76 lashings and 6 years imprisonment at Izeh prison.  She was acquitted today of one of her charges namely colluding and conspiring against the regime and as a result her sentence was reduced to 4 years in prison and her exile location was moved from Izeh to one of the prisons in the city of Karaj.

Shiva Nazar Ahari, former Secretary of the Committee of Human Rights Reporters (CHRR) was arrested on December 20th, 2009 when she was on her way to attend the funeral service of Ayatollah Montazeri. Nazar Ahari was released on September 18th 2010 after almost one year in prison and three months of solitary confinement on approximately $500,000.- USD bail.

Committee of Human Rights Reporters

Source: Daneshjoo News: http://daneshjoonews.com/news/humanrights/5180-1389-10-18-14-18-24.html



محکومیت شیوا نظرآهاری به ۴ سال حبس تعزیری، تبعید به زندان شهر کرج و ۷۴ ضربه شلاق


شنبه, ۱۸ دی ۱۳۸۹
شیوا نظرآهاری، فعال حقوق بشر ، از سوی شعبه ۳۶ دادگاه تجدیدنظرتهران، به تحمل چهار سال حبس تعزیری، تبعید به زندان شهر کرج و ۷۴ ضربه شلاق محکوم شد.

وی پیش از این به ۷۶ ضربه شلاق، شش سال حبس همراه با تبعید به زندان ایذه محکوم شده بود. ولی امروز، طی حکمی، با تبرئه‌ از اتهام اجتماع و تبانی علیه نظام، حکم وی به چهار سال حبس تعزیری کاهش و محل تبعید او را از زندان شهرستان ایذه به یکی از زندان‌های شهر کرج تغییر داده شد.

شیوا نظر‌آهاری دبیر پیشین کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر، در تاریخ ۲۹ آذر ۸۸ زمانی که به همراه تعدادی از فعالین مدنی و حقوق بشری قصد شرکت در مراسم تدفین آیت الله منتظری را داشت، بازداشت شد و ۲۷ شهریور‌ماه سال جاری پس از نزدیک به یک سال بازداشت و سه ماه زندان انفرادی در زندان اوین با تودیع وثیقه‌ی ۵۰۰ میلیون تومانی آزاد شده بود.
کمیته گزارشگران حقوق بشر


Majid Tavakoli Responds to the Attack on His Family's Residence in Shiraz: "I Know That Even More Difficult Days Lie Ahead"

Translator's Note: I ask every freedom fighting individual to read the latest, heart breaking letter from incarcerated student activist Majid Tavakoli behind bars at Rajai Shahr prison.  I ask that you pay attention to the plight of his family and so many other prisoners of conscience who are suffering under the despotic rule of this regime. I beg that you pay attention and take a stance for turning our back on them, is turning our back on humanity...

Saturday January 8th, 2011 - Majid Tavakoli publishes a letter in response to the recent raid by Intelligence Ministry agents of his parents' residence in Shiraz. In this letter, in addition to condemning this outrageous act, in order to ensure their piece of mind, Tavakoli requests that all media outlets, journalists, student activists and political activists temporarily refrain from contacting his family and requesting interviews.

The full content of Tavakoli's letter made available to Daneshjoo News is as follows:

I keep having flash backs to scenes from Ashura. I wasn't there, but I sense how it must have been. We were standing in a corner and they said what ever they wanted and did as they pleased in front of our very eyes. They were destroying everything. It felt as though we had no one to turn to and that we were alone.  I felt as though the dust was rising. Nothing was visible except for the burning plain, smoke and blood.  When your four or five year old nephew arrived unexpectedly, walking through the open door, as soon as he saw the condition of the house he ran towards your father and I with tearful eyes.  He threw himself on my lap and said: "Auntie what are they doing? What do they want? Auntie what is going on?" I was reminded of Zeynab's hardships. I wanted to cry out loud but didn't want them to see or hear me cry. I did everything in my power to stop myself from crying. The scenes remain vivid in my mind. I see the scenes several times a day, each time feeling a sense of suffocation from the pressure in my chest. I can't sleep. The constant lump in my throat doesn't help matters. I don't know why I am unable to forget....

These are my mother's words, an ailing mother who is still in shock and unable to eat even though a few days have passed since their house was raided. Without even realizing it, she sits in a corner and cries for hours, a site that saddens the rest of my family members.  My mother says that she is not feeling like herself and does not wish to speak to anyone. She says she is telling me this with the hope that it may help her calm down a little.  She doesn't want to upset me, but she is extremely uneasy and anxious. My mother says that my father criticized her for having tears in her eyes, her body trembling when they arrived and asked why she was not more in control in their presence. But was it even possible? I wish my mother had allowed herself to weep openly in order to awaken the conscience of those who commit such acts.  Perhaps if she had wept, it would have reduced the pain and made it easier for her to endure all the injustice.

My father has also had no sleep or peace of mind these past few days. He tries to calm himself and the other family members. He even tries to give me encouragement. He is more quiet than usual and internalizes all the recent pain. I am worried that in the next few days he will once again be admitted to the hospital.  Both my parents have developed  anxiety over the past few years and all this stress has resulted in a variety of physical ailments. Just as they taught me to stand up to injustice and show no fear and weakness, they too withstood the stress of that day, knowing very well that their health would deteriorate. They stood firm, lest the attackers engaged in a campaign of terror against an ailing mother and father, would be able to terrorize and advance their goals.  My parents are not politically active. During the heyday of my student days, there were many a times that they were not in agreement with me, yet just as they stood with me through all the injustice and extortion and supported me after my arrest in 2008, they stand with me now. Their only desire these days is to ensure that I remain steadfast and strong. To this day, they only worry about me and likewise my only concerns are for them.  What do the heinous despots think? After all the arrests, convictions, threats, months of solitary confinement, exile and building a factitious case against me, now they have the audacity to shift the pressure onto my loved ones.

On Wednesday January 5th at around 8:30am a number of people suddenly entered my father's residence in Shiraz. Their behavior was offensive. They disregarded all respect for humanity and ransacked our home. They confiscated all papers, documents, pamphlets, books, computer equipment, CDs, etc. They broke the locks to the cupboards and searched under the rugs and under the sofas, throwing cabinets and drawers to the floor, making sure that nothing was left unturned.  They took everything they could find, including the material one of my brothers needed for studying for his entry exam into university. They even confiscated all the research material and school projects belonging to my other brother who is about to complete a semester at university. Needless to say, they are both distressed.

On this day, my parents were alone at home. The Intelligence Ministry agents, fully aware of the fact that my parents are not political were looking for my older brother who is better informed. They contacted the house by phone and summoned my older brother to the Intelligence Ministry (better known as #100) in Shiraz. They made it clear to him that if he does not arrive quickly, our parents will also be arrested.  My brother arrived at the Intelligence Ministry a few minutes after 11:00am and the Intelligence Ministry agents finally left our home.  My brother was interrogated for a good five to six hours. The interrogators asked why my father had met with Mr. Karroubi and Mr. Nourizad. They wanted to know why my student friends visited our house; why Mrs. Mohtashemipour was at our house two weeks ago. They asked why my parents had spoken to Mr. Mousavi, Mr. Karroubi, Mrs. Rahnavard and Mrs. Ebadi when they had contacted the house by phone. They asked why people from abroad keep calling the house with messages of support and encouragement. They wanted to know why letters and postcards from Iranian and non Iranian friends keep arriving at our house. They asked why statements by incarcerated political prisoners continue to be published and wanted to know who is writing them. They demanded to know who my family and I are in contact with.  To make a long story short, they threatened as much as possible and demanded that my brother have no contact what so ever with anyone and that he refrain from making any comments with regards to my status in prison. In the end they made my brother sign a written statement agreeing to all of the above.  I'm not sure if these incidents were meant to intimidate my family from having any contact with the outside world or giving any interviews or whether they [security officers and Intelligence Ministry agents] wanted to make it clear to me that as they had repeatedly stated in the past, they can hurt me if they chose to do so. I sit here knowing very well that I shall never acquiesce and by remaining silent, ignoring their demands and embracing even more punishment, this story is far from over.

I did not write this letter however to add to the pain and suffering of the painful stories that have already been told over the years, but rather to convey a clear and explicit demand of my friends.  I ask not because I wish to reinforce the behavior of those who believe they can govern through violence, intimidation and fear, but rather to protect my family's health and well being by providing them with some peace and quiet for a short while. I therefore request that for the time being, my friends, students, journalists, even political and social activists and the leaders of the Green movement in Iran refrain from contacting my family and in particular work together to ensure that interviews are not given.  Although the consequences of this silence are bitter and difficult to endure, it will nevertheless provide my family with relative peace of mind and as such will is sufficient for me. As always I would like to thank my friends, particularly those who are students and were summoned to the disciplinary office at the university as a result of their short visit with my family. I realize that they may be banned from continuing their education and I remain eternally grateful. I ask everyone to please respect and pay attention to this request.

Though I realize that writing such a letter and making such a request is inconsistent with my character and my previous statements, nevertheless the current conditions have left me with no other alternative. This is without a doubt a story of fascist attacks, brutality, inhumane and immoral behavior by a ruling government who continues to insist that their behavior is based on moral and divine teachings. Though this is a story of a ruling government that has been the cause of all bitterness and hardship; nevertheless by blaming myself, I don't wish to create unfavorable conditions for my family and force them to endure even more bitter and difficult days. I therefore ask all my friends to understand the circumstances that we find ourselves in, knowing very well that this request should not prevent them from taking reasonable measures. Even though  I realize that we should be critical of requests that are extreme, selfish, indulgent, immoral, inhumane and petty, I don't believe that this request falls in that category. If only appropriate measures had been taken in the days when I repeatedly spoke of the extreme pressures on my family; if only we had done something before they attacked my family's residence, before they threatened my ailing parents and before they illegally summoned my brother. If only appropriate measures had been taken before they resorted to outrageous tricks and threatening us into silence. If only instead of fighting each other we had focused on the effective campaigns and gathering designed to support the prisoners and their families . If only....

In conclusion I would like to reiterate that my family is not afraid of facing difficult circumstances. This is my request not theirs. I realize that even more difficult days lie ahead and that we will traverse this journey we began together until the bitter end. The presence of my family after I was released from prison for a second time in June of 2008 allowed me to continue with my activities. Without a doubt, the most significant support in this journey will continue to come from our families. 

If the grief of those killed and arrested had not torture my mother's soul, if my mother had not wept in pain for the people of her land, then perhaps like some of our friends, I would have thought that I had paid my dues to my country and seen no reason to continue my activities and attend demonstrations.  Today I am sure of one thing, that this same mother and father who have supported me throughout my life, will continue to do so moving forward.  The only thing that remains in my control is to voice a request that is for their well being and in doing so hope that my friends take this request into consideration.

Majid Tavakoli / Rajai Shahr Prison

January 2011

Source: http://www.daneshjoonews.com/optinion/30-articls/5174-1389-10-17-22-59-34.html


مجید توکلی: میدانم که روزهای سخت تری در انتظار است

شنبه, ۱۸ دی ۱۳۸۹
مجید توکلی در پی اتفاقات چند روز اخیر و هجوم نیروهای امنیتی به منزل پدری اش در شیراز یادداشتی را از درون زندان منتشر کرده است.

به گزارش دانشجونیوز، وی ضمن محکوم نمودن این اعمال وقیحانه، از رسانه ها، خبرنگاران، فعالان دانشجویی وسیاسی درخواست نموده است که تا مدتی برای حفظ آرامش خانواده اش از تماس و درخواست مصاحبه خودداری نمایند.

متن این یادداشت که در اختیار وبسایت "دانشجونیوز" قرار گرفته است به شرح زیر است:

"جلوی چشمانم همه اش صحنه هایی از عاشوراست. من آنجا نبودم ولی احساس میکنم شرایط چگونه بوده است. ما در گوشه ای ایستاده بودیم و آنها جلوی چشمانمان هر چه میخواستند میکردند و میگفتند. همه چیز را به هم میزدند. گویا ما بی کس و تنها مانده بودیم. احساس میکردم گرد و خاکی بلند شده است و هیچ چیزی نمی بینم جزدشتی سوخته و دود و خون. وقتی پسر دایی ۴ و ۵ ساله ات سرزده از راه رسید و باز بودن در خانه او را به سمت ما هدایت کرد، او به محض دیدن من و پدرت و وضعیت خانه با چشمانی گریان به سویم آمد و خودش را در دامن من انداخت و گفت: عمه اینها چه میکنند و اینها چه میخواهند؟ عمه چه شده است؟ یاد مصیبت های زینب افتادم، میخواستم با صدای بلند گریه کنم، ولی دوست نداشتم آنها گریه ام را ببینند و بشنوند. تمام تلاشم این بود که جلوی گریه خود را بگیرم. هنوز آن صحنه ها در یادم مانده است. روزی چند بار آن صحنه ها را میبینم و از فشار سینه ام احساس خفگی میکنم. نمی توانم بخوابم. شکستن مدام بغضم نیز کمکی نمیکند، نمیدانم چرا نمیتوانم فراموش کنم..."

اینها درد دل مادرم است که هنوز پس از چند روز، شوکه باقی مانده است و نمی تواند غذا بخورد. ناخواسته در ساعاتی در گوشه ای می نشیند و گریه میکند و متعاقب آن همه اعضای خانواده ام متاثر می شوند. مادرم می گوید در حال طبیعی نیست و نمی خواهد با کسی صحبت کند. می گوید که فقط به من دارد می گوید تا شاید کمی آرام شود. دوست ندارد که مرا ناراحت کند، ولی بسیار ناآرام و مضطرب است. مادرم می گوید که پدرم به او خرده گرفته که چرا در آن ساعات اشک در چشمانش حلقه زده و چرا جلوی آنها به خودش مسلط نبوده است و دست و پایش میلرزیده است. اما مگر این شدنی بوده است. ای کاش مادرم میگریست، شاید وجدان خواب زده ی عوامل چنین اقداماتی را بیدار میکرد. شاید از درد آن همه مظلومیت می کاست وتحمل آن  ظلم ها را آسان مینمود.

پدرم هم چند روزیست خواب و آرامش ندارد. سعی میکند آرامش خود و دیگر اعضای خانواده را حفظ کند و حتی به من هم روحیه بدهد. بیش از پیش سکوت کرده و تمام درد های این روزها را در خود میریزد و من نگرانم  که شاید باز چند روز دیگر راهی بیمارستان شود. پدر و مادرم هر دو در طول این سالها به بیماریهای عصبی دچار شده اند و این فشارهای عصبی مشکلات فراوانی– به ویژه بیماری های جسمی- را برای آنها ایجاد کرده است. ولی آنگونه که به من آموخته بودند که جلوی ظالم ترس و ضعفی به خود راه ندهم، آن روز فشارهای عصبی بیشتری را تحمل کرده اند و به استقبال  شدت گرفتن بیماریهای جسمیشان رفته اند، مبادا آن حمله کنندگان بپندارند که با لشگرکشی و مانور وحشت در مقابل پدر و مادری بیمار، می توانند به خیال خامشان بترسانند و اهدافشان را پیش ببرند. پدر و مادرم سیاسی نیستند و خیلی هم در آن روزهای نخست دانشجویی با من همنوا نبوده اند ولی همانگونه که پس ازظلم ها و اجحافهای پس از بازداشت و شکنجه های فراوان سال ۸۶ پیگیرانه ایستادند و حمایت کردند و تا امروز در کنارم بوده-اند، همه خواسته ی این روزهایشان این است که مبادا من سست شوم. آنها هنوز تمام نگرانیشان من هستم و من نیز تمام نگرانیم خانواده ام. قوم استبداد چه رذیلانه پنداشته است؛ حال پس از بازداشت ها و محکومیت ها و تهدیدها و انفرادی ها و تبعید و پرونده سازی ها به سراغ عزیزانم بروند و جسارتی دیگر را رقم بزنند.

روز ۴ شنبه ۱۵ دی ماه ساعت ۸:۳۰ صبح، به یکباره عده ای وارد خانه پدری ام در شیراز می شوند و توهین آمیز رفتار میکنند و حرمت ها را میشکنند و همه چیز را به هم می ریزند. هر چه کاغذ، اسناد، مدارک، کتاب، وسایل کامپیوتری و سی دی و غیره بوده را جمع میکنند و اگر کیف و کمدی قفل بوده را می شکنند و زیر فرش ها و مبل ها و در کابینت ها و کمد ها و کشوهای وسایل شخصی را میگردند و به هم میریزند و حتی فراموش هم نمیکنند به بهانه جست و جوی پشت قاب ها و آینه ها، آنها را به زمین بریزند تا در نهایت چیزی در سر جای خود نمانده باشد. هرچه که بردنی است برده باشند و حتی جزوات برادر محصلم که  خودش را برای کنکور آماده میکند را می برند که او نداند برای زحمات چندماهه و منابع مورد نیاز ماه های بعدش چه باید بکند. و دیگر برادر دانشجویم که در آستانه پایان ترم همه تحقیق ها و پروژه ها و جزوات درسیش را برده اند.

آن روز فقط پدر و مادرم در خانه بودند و نیروهای اطلاعاتی که میدانستند آنها چندان به مسائل سیاسی آشنایی ندارند سراغ برادر بزرگم که مطلع تر از دیگران است را میگیرند و در تماس تلفنی میخواهند خودش را به دفتر اطلاعات شیراز معروف به پلاک ۱۰۰ برساند و به او میفهمانند که اگر زود به آنجا نرود پدر و مادرم را با خود میبرند.و برادرم دقایقی پس از ساعت ۱۱ خودش را به آنجا میرساند تا نیروهای اطلاعاتی از خانه ما خارج شوند. برادرم هم ۵، ۶ ساعت بازجویی میشود. بازجو میگوید که چرا پدرم با آقایان کروبی و نوری دیدار کرده است، چرا دوستان دانشجویم به خانه ما میروند، یا خانم محتشمی پور به چه دلیل دو هفته پیش در خانه ما بوده، و به چه دلیل روزی که آقایان موسوی و کروبی و خانم رهنورد و عبادی تماس گرفته اند مادر و پدرم با آنها صحبت کرده اند. چرا عده ای از خارج از ایران تماس میگیرند و دلگرمی میدهند. چرا نامه ها و کارت پستال های دوستان ایرانی و غیر ایرانی به خانه ما میرسد و چرا بیانیه ی خانواده های زندانیان سیاسی منتشر میشود و چه کسانی آنها را می نویسند و من و خانواده ام با چه کسانی و چگونه ارتباط داریم. و خلاصه تا میتوانند تهدید میکنند و از برادرم میخواهند که دیگر هیچ گونه تماس با هیچ شخصی نداشته باشد و از هرگونه اظهار نظری در مورد من و وضعیتم خودداری نماید و تعهد کتبی نیز میگیرند. نمیدانم همه این اتفاقات افتاده، که مبادا خانواده ام با کسی ارتباط بگیرند و مصاحبه ای کنند یا این اتفاقات افتاده تا من بدانم که چنانچه بارها نیروهای امنیتی و اطلاعاتی گفته اند، میتوانند مرا اذیت کنند و من که باید بدانم با سکوت و بی توجهی به خواسته هایشان و استقبال از مجازات بیشتر ماجرا تمام نمی شود و رضالت بیش از اینهاست.

اما این نوشته در پی افزودن دردنامه و رنج نامه ای بر فراوان قصه های پر درد این سالها نیست و فقط در گذر از پیگیری ها و کوتاهی-هایی، بیان کننده خواسته روشن و صریح من از همه دوستانم خواهد بود. خواسته ای نه از این بابت که عده ای خشونت پیشه و آدمی ستیز بپندارند با رذالت هایشان می توانند بترسانند و حکومت نمایند، که تنها برای حفظ سلامت خانواده ام میخواهم تا مدتی تمامی دوستان، از دانشجویان و خبرتگاران تا  فعالان سیاسی و مدنی و رهبران جنبشی در ایران از هر گونه ارتباط و به ویژه از تماس و تلاش برای مصاحبه خودداری نمایند و بدانند که این سکوت اگر پیامدهای تلخی هم داشته باشد، ولی آرامش نسبی خانواده ام که در واقع تامین سلامت آنهاست را به همراه بیاورد، برای من بسنده می نماید. از همه دوستان به ویژه دوستان دانشجویم که بابت دیدار کوتاه با خانواده ام به کمیته انضباطی احضار شده اند و ممکن است از تحصیل محروم شوند، چون گذشته تشکر و سپاسی بی پایان خواهم داشت و از همه مصرانه میخواهم که این خواسته را مورد توجه قرار دهند.

نوشتن چنین یادداشتی و بیان چنین درخواستی نه با روحیات و نه با ادبیات من سازگار است، ولی شرایط موجود موجب چنین بیانی شده است. در این قصه که بی تردید حملات فاشیستی و رذالت و رفتارهای غیر انسانی و غیر اخلاقی حاکمیتی – که مدعی رفتاری مبتنی بر آموزه ای اخلاقی و الهی است- عامل همه تلخی ها و سختی ها بوده است، دوست ندارم در مقصردانستن خود در ایجاد مشکلات تحمیلی و شرایط نامطلوب برای خانواده ام، روزهای تلخی را سپری نمایم و از همه دوستان میخواهم با درک مناسب از شرایط بدانند که این خواسته نباید ممانعت از اقدامات معقول آنها باشد - که فقط باید بر خواسته های زیاده خواهانه و خودخواهانه و غیر اخلاقی و غیر انسانی خرده گرفت و فکر نمیکنم این خواسته چنین باشد-.
ای کاش پیش از حمله به خانه پدری ام و تهدید و ارعاب پدر و مادر بیمارم، و احضار غیرقانونی برادرم و توسل به ترفند وقیحانه و رذیلانه گروگان گیری و تهدید و اخذ تعهد برای این سکوت، و در آن روزها که بارها از فشارهای فراوان بر خانواده ام گفته بودم اقدام مناسبی صورت میگرفت. و به جای به جان هم افتادن ها، آن کمپین ها و جمع های موثر حمایت کننده از زندانیان و خانواده ها  به سرانجام می رسید.

در پایان افزودن مطلبی تکراری برای تاکید است که خانواده ام واهمه ای از شرایط سخت پیش روی نخواهد داشت. و تنها این خواسته من می باشد و میدانم روزهای سخت تری در انتظار است و راهی را که آغاز کرده ایم، سرانجام به پایان خواهیم رساند و بی تردید خانواده ها مهمترین مشوق و حامی این مسیر خواهند بود. چنانچه پس از خرداد ۸۸ و در حالیکه تازه برای دومین بار از زندان آزاد شده بودم خانواده ام عاملی موثر در ادامه فعالیت هایم بودند. اگر اندوه کشته شدگان و بازداشت شدگان روح و جان مادرم را نمی آزرد و اگر مادرم در درد و اندوه فراوان مردم سرزمینم نمی گریست، شاید چون عده ای از دوستان به پندار اینکه وظیفه خود را به انجام رسانده ام، دیگر لزومی به حضور در اعتراضات و فعالیت ها نمی دیدم. به هر حال میدانم امروز این پدر و مادر که در تمام طول زندگی از ایشان ایستادگی و صبوریرا اموخته ام این چنین خواهند ماند. و تنها بیان درخواستی برای تامین سلامت ایشان بر عهده من است و امیدوارم دوستان این امر را مدنظر قرار دهند.

مجید توکلی/ زندان رجائی شهر کرج
دی ماه ۱۳۸۹